Tatiana Rybakova writes about omissions and distortions in Russian official economic statistics and asks economists for their views on what problems this creates for analyzing the state of the economy.

Tikhon Dzyadko, editor-in-chief of Dozhd TV, talks about the challenges of working from abroad, explains why Dozhd remains a Russian channel, and claims that journalistic objectivity is a myth that was completely destroyed after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Mie Nakachi looks at how the war against Ukraine has affected the Russian government’s abortion policy and recalls Soviet initiatives in reproductive policy, which repeatedly failed to achieve the desired goals.

Maxim Blant on how the government is trying to combat the depreciation of the ruble, what problems it is running into along the way, and how the authorities are dressing up the interests of the military-industrial complex as concern for the population.

Yevgenia Volunkova, the chief editor of Takie Dela, talks about how much harder it has become for charitable NGOs to operate in wartime Russia and how her media outlet still manages to help them, as well as Russian people in need.

Mikhail Klimarev talks about how the state blocks the Internet in Russia, how Russian software developers and Chinese telecom tech giant Huawei are involved in this, and what might happen to Google in Russia.

Alexei Makarkin explains how the Soviet experience continues to define older Russians’ perception of the Great Patriotic War, the Russian state, the West and education, and what it tells us about the nuances of the generational gap in today’s Russia.

Yevgeny Prigozhin is reported dead, killed in a suspicious plane crash exactly two months after his ‘march on Moscow’. Vladimir Zvonovsky writes about what Russian people thought about him after his ‘mutiny’.

Sergei Shelin writes that accelerating inflation and a weakening currency are normal for countries mired in long wars. Putin’s technocrats could one way or another cope with these problems if they were not prevented from doing so by the chaotic improvisations of Putin himself.

Tatyana Rybakova believes that the nationalization of Danone’s Russian subsidiary and the Baltika brewing company (owned by Carlsberg) indicates a new redistribution of property in Russia and the creation of a new moneyed elite.

Rustam Alexander writes about the evolution of state policy toward gay people over the last century in Russia, which has gone from freedom in the early Soviet period to criminalization under Stalin and back to relative freedom in 1993 before a renewed crackdown in the past decade.

Elena Koneva discusses how attitudes toward the war are changing in Russia’s regions that border Ukraine and in the rest of the country, and how the war is affecting the work of sociologists.

Vladimir Milov claims that Western sanctions are severely hurting the Russian economy. The government is increasingly short on funds while lacking access to foreign investment. In addition, Russia cannot substitute the critically important Western technologies and equipment needed to develop its manufacturing capabilities.

Nikolai Kulbaka on how Russia’s budget deficit is planned to be addressed, whether to trust Russian official statistics and why nominal GDP growth does not mean a healthy national economy.

Kollek and Rasputin respond to new transphobic legislation about to come into effect in Russia. Transgender people are the latest target of the Kremlin’s campaign to protect “traditional Russian values” from the “immoral West”, which began over a decade ago as a way of shoring up the regime’s political legitimacy. However, there are clear ties between the “traditional values” agenda and Western conservative ideology.

Maxim Krupskiy writes about the findings relating to the recent attack on attorney Alexander Nemov and Novaya Gazeta journalist Yelena Milashina in Chechnya and the challenges human rights defenders face in Russia today.

Svetlana Gannushkina talks about how Russian volunteers are helping Ukrainians who ended up in Russia, about the way Ukrainian refugees are treated by the Russian government and the government’s overall refugee policy.

Sergey Zenkin describes the moral situation of Russia’s anti-war community – both inside and outside the country – and offers “hostages” of the war a number of ways they too can resist peacefully.

Tatyana Rybakova speaks to IT workers and an economist to explore why the Russian authorities suddenly started talking about Russians who left returning to their homeland en masse. When it comes to IT specialists, the rhetoric is clearly dominated by a conciliatory tone. Does Russia really need IT specialists so bad? And if so, can it get them back?

Based on end-of-June survey and focus group discussions, Denis Volkov writes that the prevailing opinion among Russians is that Prigozhin’s “march on Moscow” has not weakened the authority of the central government and some believe it has even strengthened it.

Vladimir Gimpelson, Professor of Practice in Russian Studies in the Department Agricultural and Applied Economics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, discusses the state and prospects of the Russian labor market. From the second half of 2022 onward, the “demographic hole” has been overlaid by war losses, emigration, and structural changes directly related to the war.

Drawing on extensive interviews with Russian individuals, Sasha Kappinen and Oleg Zhuravlev demonstrate how depoliticized Russian citizens grapple with the ethical implications and gradually recognize the necessity of accepting the harsh reality of war.

Tatyana Rybakova writes about how Russians who remain in Russia but want to leave explain their decision and why they most often cite attachment to their homes.

Kseniya Kirillova writes about Russian propaganda’s effectiveness at generating passive support for the “special military operation.” As a result, the war has become a familiar backdrop to everyday life, though the patriotic upsurge counted on by the Kremlin has failed to emerge.

Based on regular surveys and focus group discussions, Denis Volkov writes that events in May - including the successes of the Wagner group and Ukraine’s attacks on Russian territory - convinced people that the war in Ukraine should be continued.

Natalia Zubarevich talks about the labor shortage in Russia, the trends in labor migration within the country, how resource exports are being redirected to China, how compensation from the state is helping to get men to sign up, and how Russians, unable to change anything, are building barriers between themselves and the war.

Vladimir Zvonovsky writes about the implications of Russians’ readiness to fight, in word and in deed, and about their attitudes toward fellow citizens who are trying to avoid being sent to Ukraine.

Vadim Grishin writes that Russia’s better than expected economic performance over the past year is misleading and describes the grave challenges that lie ahead and the Kremlin’s limited options.

Tatyana Rybakova writes that there are more and more beneficiaries and thus supporters of the war, because each of them – even if they do not support the war itself, even if they are against Putin – will lose money, a career or status when it ends.

Oksana Matievskaya writes that new plaques have kept going up on the walls of houses in Russia featuring the names of those who were shot during Stalin’s dictatorship. There are even guided tours with stories about the victims.

Levada Center Director Denis Volkov points out that the majority of Russians are concerned about an expected Ukrainian counter-offensive and are in favor of moving to peace talks – though without concessions to Ukraine – and talks about what the Kremlin is doing to maintain stability across society.

Vlada Baranova writes that the need for labor migrants is growing due to inevitable population decline and outlines the contradictions within Russia’s migration policy.

Nikolai Kulbaka provides examples of Russian companies adapting to operating without Western partners and competitors and explains why business-to-business is doing better than the business-to-consumer market.

Artemy Magun goes back to the origins of contemporary Russia and argues that the foundation of the current ideological consensus on conservative values was laid during the 1980s and 1990s: the very liberalism of the late-Soviet educated class was marked by conservatism.

Tatyana Rybakova writes that the consumer lending market is now mostly mortgages, but that is set to change, with short-term and insane-rate loans for the poor on the rise. Even Putin’s ex-wife is in the microfinance business.

Mariya Omelicheva argues that the Kremlin’s inculcation of militaristic patriotism has had a strong effect on Russian society, though the Soviet legacy of cynicism and “double-think” is actually working to mitigate it.

Sergei Shelin writes about the current consensus at the bottom and top of Russian society: the majority tries to live their usual lives, while the regime encourages them to do so and attempts not to make the war total.

Maria Eismont speaks about her work as a lawyer defending political prisoners. Since getting an acquittal is impossible, she sees her mission as improving her clients’ lives somehow, just coming to them, sending greetings from their friends, and chatting with them.

Yuriy Marin writes that Russian sport federations and athletes have been left to deal with the country’s isolation by themselves, with some federations turning toward Asia to find a place to compete.

Ivan Fomin draws attention to the fact that the Russian public cannot be mobilized for the war with ideology alone, forcing Putin’s regime to turn to economic incentives and promises about people’s welfare to recruit soldiers for its war.

Maxim Blant writes that the government is expanding the categories of people who receive state support while reporting a falling poverty level. However, amid the war, this policy is fraught with serious economic risks.

Maxime Audinet explains how RT and Sputnik, while facing restrictions and closure in Europe after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, are looking for new opportunities in the Global South.

Lev Gudkov writes about how the Russian “Great Power” discourse differs from the post-imperial experiences of other former empires and how Russians’ perception of themselves as subjects of a Great Power affects their attitude toward the war in Ukraine.

Tatyana Rybakova writes about the rationale behind the Western sanctions against Russian oligarchs and explains how Russian business practices are working against the people who used them to become business leaders in Russia.

Tatyana Rybakova explains the essence of the dispute over mortgage lending between the Ministry of Construction and the Central Bank, as well as the influence of the largest developers.

Oleg Kashin attributes Russians’ acquiescence to the war to the omnipotence of the state, a legacy of Soviet totalitarianism. The future of Russia will depend on whether its next leaders are willing and capable of dismantling the system by which citizens are totally dependent on the state.

Denis Volkov writes that the perception of the war in Ukraine as a conflict between Russia and the West has led to a consolidation within Russian society. Still, support for the leadership and army is not monolithic, while at the same time polarization, as well as pressure on dissenters, is intensifying.

Andrey Movchan discusses capital outflow from Russia, criticizes the Western sanctions against Russia and wonders why no European elites have been punished for their past business ties with Putin’s regime.

Igor Lipsits writes that after years of budget surpluses Russia again started running a budget deficit and is recklessly spending the National Wealth Fund. This is a disaster for Russia, as 60% of the population lives off the income itcreceives from the state.

Maxim Blant writes that even though Russians working remotely from abroad are technically contributing to the country’s GDP, they are also taking out enormous funds from the Russian economy and aggravating the contraction in consumer demand. State spending on the war might make up for that, but it seriously undermines financial stability.

Boris Knorre writes about the Russian Orthodox Church’s view of the environmental agenda. He explains that the clergy and believers are more likely to denounce Western politics and globalism than focusing on the problems of conservation.

Maxim Blant writes that the catastrophic consequences for Russia’s demographics brought on by the war leave the government no choice but to dismantle the pension system. The current pensions are set to be replaced by a social allowance for old age linked to the subsistence level.

Marlene Laruelle explores Russian public opinion on the issue of state ideology and delves into the “national-conservative” values and beliefs that seem to unite a majority of Russians.

Mack Tubridy writes about the latest strike by Yandex gig workers, who demand better pay and improved working conditions. The leader of the organizing Courier trade union was arrested in April of last year for violating draconian protest laws.

Margarita Zavadskaya and her coauthors conducted a survey of new Russian emigrants, exploring the civic and political initiatives they are engaged in, their ties and attachment to Russia, and their vision of its future.

Denis Volkov on how Russians have adapted to wartime. Staying out of politics, withdrawing into private life, focusing on everyday problems, communicating with loved ones – these are the key strategies common people have used to keep their distance from the conflict.

Darya Dergacheva discusses how the Russian government is seeking to ensure technological independence in the IT sphere. Even if it is trying to isolate Russians from the global Internet, it is not likely to succeed.

An interview with Natalya Zubarevich in which she explains why the decline of Russian economy has turned out smaller than expected, why unemployment has not risen, and who the state is supporting and who it has left on their own.

Alexei Makarkin writes about features of the Soviet perception that still persist among older generations of Russians and how they help us understand attitudes toward the conflict in today's Russia.

Liubov Borusyak conducted a follow-up study of Russians who are against the war and have remained in Russia to see what they think about people who left and their life in forced exile, as well as their own fate and the outlook for Russia.

Mikhail Vinogradov writes about the state of Russian society against the backdrop of the extraordinary events of recent months. How have they affected the tendency of Russians to build individual strategies while ignoring radical changes taking place around them?

Andrei Kolesnikov writes about a spontaneous association of mothers and wives of mobilized men in Russia. Are they just petitioners demanding that the state not treat their loved ones like cannon fodder? Or are we witnessing the birth of an anti-war protest in Russian society?

Farida Kurbangaleeva spoke with Aleksey Raksha about the state’s population policy and the "demographic collapse" that awaits Russia following the mobilization announced by Putin and the flow of many young people out of the country.

Mack Tubridy discusses the impacts of the war and mobilization on Russian schools with Novosibirsk municipal deputy Helga Pirogova, who co-chairs the independent teachers’ union Alyans Uchitelej.

Karine Clément explains why there is no broad-based resistance to the war in Russia. Based on her years researching Russian perceptions, she claims that the most widespread view on the war among the working classes is cold skepticism and distrust.

Vasily Burov writes about the Russians who fled from the war and mobilization to Kazakhstan. How many can the country take in and what is the outlook for them? To what extent are the Kazakh authorities interested in attracting skilled labor from Russia?

Vladimir Zvonovsky on how Russians’ perceived economic situation has evolved during the military conflict in Ukraine and which factors influence their perceptions.

Mack Tubridy talks with civic activist Grigori Sverdlin about how his new project helps Russians dodge the mobilization and how civil resistance against the Kremlin can take on forms other than street protests.

A prolonged war with large-scale mobilization is unprecedented for both the post-Soviet period and late Soviet decades, Andrei Kolesnikov writes. Could the ongoing shock turn into dissatisfaction with the political regime itself?

What makes the Kremlin's propaganda effective? Anton Shirikov discusses why the message of state media is often convincing, as well as when propagandists fail to appeal to the public.

In an interview with The Bell Vladimir Gimpelson analyzes the consequences of the mobilization for the Russian economy, emphasizing the long-term losses in human capital among those who fight and those who don’t. Some lose skills, while others don’t reproduce them or invest in new ones.

Aleksei Medved tells how Russians fled to Georgia to dodge the mobilization, describing the days-long lines, chaos, extortion by officials and help from volunteers.

Caroline Humphrey writes about Buryats escaping the draft by heading for Mongolia, as well as previous flights of Buryats out of Russia and the Buryat cultural practice of mutual assistance through broad kinship networks.

Andrei Kolesnikov analyzes changes in public sentiment in response to Putin’s decree on mobilization. The slide in Putin’s approval ratings, combined with a jump in anxiety reported by Russians, gives reason to ponder what resources the Putin regime has to survive.

Free Buryatia is an antiwar foundation created by Buryats outside Russia. Anna Zueva spoke with Alexandra Garmazhapova, the foundation’s president, about its work and how and why the attitude of the people of Buryatia toward the military operation in Ukraine is changing.

Before the mobilization announcement, most Russians lived as if nothing special was going on in Ukraine. Alexei Levinson, the head of sociocultural research at the Levada Center, speaks about whether mobilization will weigh on Russians’ support for the war and what it will mean to include society in the war effort.

Based on their study of war-related public petition signatories in Russia, Guillaume Sauvé and Maxime Duchâteau conclude that the perception of the war in Ukraine is much more nuanced than a simple dichotomy of supporters and opponents.

Adam Lenton looks at three emerging aspects of the public resistance to the mobilization recently announced by Vladimir Putin: Dagestan as the center of protest activity, the role of women and the mood among the elites.

Using survey data collected in the Samara region, sociologist Vladimir Zvonovsky examines Russians’ views on the impacts of western sanctions and whether they believe the economy can become more self-sufficient.

Contrary to popular belief about widespread support for the “special military operation,” writes Rimma Polyak, protests happen daily in Russia and people continue to speak out against the war on social media. In response, the Russian regime dials up the persecution of dissidents, though it still can’t completely crush the protest movement.

Sergei Chapnin writes about the position of the ROCOR in union with the ROC and about the problems that will have to be resolved by whoever becomes the former’s new leader: will the ROCOR be able to defend its autonomy or will it be fully integrated into the ROC? Will it be able to preserve the heritage of Russian emigration?

Having analyzed the Kremlin’s intensified attempts to inculcate patriotism in younger Russians, Ivan Fomin outlines the limitations of Putin’s ideology, which draws on “rally-around-the-flag” sentiment but is unable to offer any big dream in exchange for the endurance it demands.

The war with Ukraine looked set to be a big shock for the labor market and the economy as a whole, but so far we haven’t seen drastic changes. We talked about the outlook for the labor market with Vladimir Gimpelson, the director of the Center for Labor Market Studies at the Higher School of Economics.

Mikhail Suslov writes about the powerful isolationist trend gaining momentum in today’s Russia. The problem, however, is that while it cuts ties with the West, Russia lacks a language for communicating with the rest of the world and is thus bound to wind up talking to itself.

Paul Robinson argues that if Russian liberalism is to come back to life it will have to find a way to adapt to a new global context in which talk of a “return to Western civilization” has become largely redundant. Part III of a three-part series. Part I is here, Part II is here.

Anna Zueva covers the dangerous environmental situation in the city of Zakamensk on the border between Russia and Mongolia. Twenty-five years after the city-forming enterprise to extract tungsten and molybdenum was closed, 45 mln tons of waste still lie in the city.

After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, many independent media outlets relocated abroad en masse. Facing the threat of fines and arrests, hundreds of journalists left the country. Olga Dovbysh and Elena Rodina asked journalists what they think about their future in exile.

One reason for the dramatic decline in the representation of liberals in the national legislature is state propaganda blackening their reputation. Paul Robinson explains why that propaganda resonates so strongly in Russian minds. This is the second of a three-part series.

Konstantin Gaaze reflects upon the question of how the intelligentsia can remain a social force, having abandoned the idea of exclusively or predominantly intellectual resistance to state power. Is it possible in Russia? And in exile?

The Kremlin is anxious to bring the Runet under tight control and isolate it from the global internet. But Kevin Limonier warns that such attempts face multiple difficulties and might radically disrupt the Runet’s operation.

Paul Robinson writes about the history and social connotations of the notion of liberalism in Russia. Liberalism has always had a narrow social base and has gravitated toward Westernism. Part I of a three-part series.

Alexander Golts explains why the “special economic measures” introduced by the government do not amount to a mobilization economy. Structural militarization on the Soviet model, he points out, is in principle unthinkable under market conditions.

We spoke to a family from Mariupol trying to rebuild their lives in a former Soviet republic. They told Russia.Post what life was like in a basement, how the Drama Theater was destroyed, about the Azov Battalion and human shields, and why their position is “neutrality.”

Russian nationalist organizations generally supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Some, though not many, joined the military campaign, while others took part in passionate discussions, often critical of the government’s actions. By the end of spring, Vera Alperovich writes, far-right organizations began to lose interest

Almost one third of Russian men tell pollsters that they’re ready to be mobilized. Their responses, as Vladimir Zvonovsky shows, vary depending on factors like age, where they get their news and what they know about the “operation.”

In the melodramatic narrative of Brother 2, writes Mark Lipovetsky, a cold-blooded killer embodies “Russian truth” - the belief in the superiority of “us” over “them" and the contempt for human life if that life isn’t connected with Russia

Human rights activists working in Ukraine and Russia share with Farida Kurbangaleeva their concerns about the new risks of human trafficking. Ukrainian women and children who flee the war zone are targets for sex trafficking.

Fontanka reporter Ksenia Klochkova was hired and worked a day for the cybertroops who write comments on social media to create a “patriotic backdrop”.

Andrei Loshak’s latest documentary on how the war is dividing Russian families and how propaganda has proven stronger than family ties

Putin's dictatorship has designed and built an almost perfect machine for destroying independent journalism in Russia, but Sergey Parkhomenko searches for and finds those whom Russian authorities can’t stop.

Victor Shnirelman explains the popularity of the civilizational discourse among the Russian military, security and clergy as a response to globalization, which threatens their political sovereignty.

DOXA delved into the intricacies of Russian historical policy and spoke with SHANINKA professor, political philosopher Ilya Budraitskis about rethinking the Soviet experience, returning to the ideas of internationalism, and the correctness of comparing modern Russia with Nazi Germany.

The Russian government says that the goal of the current war is the “denazification” of Ukraine. Farida Kurbangaleeva believes that Moscow has carried out a “denazification” before – in relation to the "non-Russian" peoples living on its territory.

Something unusual is happening with judges in Russia’s regions. Over the past two months, dozens of them have been quietly resigning. But no one seems to know why – and few are talking about it.

Svetlana Gannushkina, head of Civic Assistance Committee (Гражданское содействие), a charity focused on helping refugees and migrants, was interviewed for the Meduza podcast What Happened (Что случилось?). She discussed the fate of Ukrainian refugees who found themselves in Russia after the invasion. With the kind permission of Meduza, we are publishing a translation of fragments from the conversation.

Media reports of Russian servicemen who refuse to fight on the frontlines in Ukraine continue to emerge more than two months after Vladimir Putin announced partial mobilization.

Russian authorities are struggling to deliver on their promise of paying mobilized troops for their military service. Two months after Putin announced mobilization, some soldiers and their families have yet to receive the full payments announced by the president and regional officials, leading to pockets of unrest in some regions.

Ilya Kukulin looks at the teachings of Soviet thinker Georgy Shchedrovitsky and explains their post-Soviet transformation into a belief that, in the organization of a community, values are an instrumental and secondary matter.

New winds are blowing in the sails of the Russian government’s censorship crusade. Meanwhile, vague language in an anti-LGBT bill risks inflicting collateral damage across the country’s book publishing and film industries.

Daria Dergacheva is tracing the history of Yandex, Russia’s search engine that evolved into one of the world’s best digital ecosystems. Its policy of accommodating the Kremlin’s political interests has eventually come at the cost of its disintegration.

Sergey Chapnin on the post-Soviet evolution of the Russian Orthodox Church: what the “church revival” that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union really meant and how Patriarch Kirill chained himself to the Putin regime and lost Ukraine.

Governor of Saint Petersburg Alexander Beglov and the regional political machine he presides over are doubling down on efforts to restore the occupied Ukrainian city of Mariupol to its pre-war state.

llya Budraitskis explains how the Kremlin understands “de-Nazification” and how this interpretation is driving the war in Ukraine. In the Kremlin’s terms, the difference between Nazi and non-Nazi comes down to alien versus your own

Ekaterina Khodzhaeva on how Russian lawyers are working in an environment where law enforcement is becoming increasingly oppressive and opportunities for appeal to international courts are narrowing.

Schools in Russia have faced teacher and staff shortages for years. Now, the mobilization of male educators looks poised to strain the country’s educational system even further.

A recent survey showing 55% for the war and 29% against it reveals the major demographic trends, with civil servants and pensioners the most supportive groups and young people, scientists and culture workers the most opposed.

Sergey Zenkin explains the current moral and political isolation of Russia as a new rise of the archaic idea of defilement, and opposes against it an active civic responsibility

Since Putin’s mobilization announcement, chaotic scenes at recruitment centers and military facilities across Russia have taken place. Reservists lack the most elementary supplies, such as warm clothing, sleeping bags and medicine.

Maria Lipman talks to Denis Volkov, director of the Levada Center, about public perception of the "special military operation" 100 days after the Russian invasion began. The broadly shared sense that "everyone is against us" drives Russians to support their government and the ongoing war. But their interest in news from Ukraine shows a tangible decline.

For months, Central Asian nationals living in Russia have faced pressure to volunteer as soldiers in Russia’s war against Ukraine. A new law passed by the Duma aims to attract more foreign volunteers by offering fast-track Russian citizenship.

Parents and teachers are pushing back against new patriotic lessons introduced by the Russian government. While it is impossible to estimate just how many parents oppose the lessons, those who do are taking up varying strategies to shield their children from wartime propaganda.

Mikhail Vinogradov explains why public perceptions of the “special military operation” in Russia are more diverse and complicated than approval or disapproval – in fact, many still don’t have a firm view.

A mass exodus of Russian men, along with street protests throughout the country, underscores the unpopularity of Vladimir Putin’s “partial” mobilization order.

After her study on the new Russian exiles, Liubov Borusiak talks to opponents of the war who stayed in Russia. Very few of them believe that they bear a higher degree of guilt and responsibility than those who left.

Famous neurosurgeon Alexei Kashcheev discusses the future of medicine in Russia, as well as the problems Russian doctors are facing amid global sanctions and “cancel culture.”

Dr Dmitry Dubrovskiy is a research fellow at the Center for Independent Social Research (St Petersburg, Russia), formerly an associate professor at the Higher School of Economics (Moscow). He currently works at Charles University, Prague.

The Kazan-based human rights organization Agora recently published a report detailing new plans by the government to expand mass secret surveillance of activists and independent journalists, as well as racial profiling of ordinary citizens.

Christian Science Monitor Moscow correspondent Fred Weir says grocery prices haven’t risen significantly. It may still be too early for the effect of sanctions to be tangible, but Weir believes that resilience and ingenuity will help Russians circumvent problems as they arise.

Ilya Kolmanovsky on how Ukrainian and Russian scientists differ in their outlooks, the former optimistic and the latter pessimistic about the role they can play for their country in the future.

Maria Lipman talks to Gregory Asmolov, Lecturer, Department of Digital Humanities, King’s College London, on the Russian government’s consistent effort to isolate Russia from the rest of the world and how it has been effective in achieving this goal, much than in meeting its military or foreign policy objectives.

Irina Busygina on why the Russian government has suspended the indexing of Russian scientists’ publications in international databases and what it means for Russian social sciences.

Liubov Borusyak, professor, Free University (Moscow), speaks with Russians who chose to leave their country after the invasion of Ukraine. Who are they, what were their motivations, what do they think about the situation in their home country and what are their plans? How are they different from those who were leaving Russia in previous years?

Caress Schenk on why social sciences’ job is not to predict Putin’s decisions and why it matters to focus on those engaged in the unglamorous work of making sure that glimmers of humanity survive in Russia.

Lev Gudkov, Special Academic Adviser, Levada center, on the conservative shift in Russian society and how the illusions entertained by some in the liberal camp kept them from forming realistic opinions about repressive policies at home and the rising danger of a war with Ukraine.